par Bornand, Thierry
Président du jury Azzi, Assaad Elia
Promoteur Klein, Olivier
Publication Non publié, 2026-02-10
Thèse de doctorat
Résumé : Income inequalities have intensified to varying degrees in Western countries from the 1970s and 1980s to the present day. This situation has led to multiple movements aimed at denouncing these inequalities, such as the Occupy Wall Street movement, the Yellow Vests movement, and various protests during the COVID-19 crisis. A notable consequence is that public opinion has shown a growing preoccupation with these inequalities. However, this concern does not translate into more favorable attitudes towards redistribution policies. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is that perceptions of inequality are negatively correlated with trust in the political system. Thus, an increased perception of inequalities may call into question the legitimacy of institutions that could compensate for these inequalities through redistribution mechanisms.This thesis aims to explore the link between subjective inequality and political trust, examining the social psychological mechanisms that may explain this relationship. It is based on four distinct studies. The first study utilizes data from a representative survey of the Walloon population in Belgium. It examines the relationship between individuals' socio-economic status (SES), considered as indicator of subjective inequality, and political trust. It also analyzes the extent to which the perception of anomie (the perception of social disintegration and lack of social regulation) mediates the negative link between SES and political trust. The second study is based on a representative survey of the Belgian population (BES – Belgian Election Study). It investigates the relationship between subjective inequality and political trust, exploring two mediators: status anxiety and relative deprivation. Finally, the third and fourth studies rely on international surveys that allow for country comparisons. The third study uses a convenience sample of undergraduate students from 28 different countries, while the fourth utilizes data from the European Social Survey, which is nationally representative across 29 countries. Both studies aim to assess the relationship between subjective inequality and political trust, this time distinguishing between the individual and collective levels of subjective inequality.The analyses conducted, using structural equation modeling in the first two studies and multilevel modeling in the latter two, confirm that subjective inequality is negatively related to political trust. Moreover, they sheds light on the underlying social psychological processes involved in this relationship. Study 1 shows that the perception of anomie mediates the negative link between subjective inequality – operationalized through individuals' SES – and political trust. Individuals with lower SES perceive more social disintegration (anomie) than individuals with high SES, which in turn explains their lower level in political trust. Study 2 indicates that the relationship subjective inequality and political trust is mediated by feelings of relative deprivation but not by status anxiety. Furthermore, this indirect effect is stronger among individuals with lower SES than among those with higher SES, demonstrating a moderated mediation effect. Studies 3 and 4 extend these findings by examining the link between subjective inequality and political trust at both individual and collective (national) levels. Study 3, based on a convenience sample of undergraduate students from 28 countries, finds that subjective inequality is negatively related to political trust at the individual and national levels. Moreover, the negative effect of individual subjective inequality on political trust is amplified when collective subjective inequality is higher (an interaction effect). However, these results should be interpreted with caution due to the non-representative nature of the sample. Study 4, using nationally representative data from the European Social Survey, replicates and extends these results. Here, subjective inequality is conceptualized primarily as perceived unfairness regarding income disparities, distinguished between general societal unfairness and unfairness perceived toward high- and low-income groups. Results reveal both a main effect of individual subjective inequality on political trust and an interaction effect, such that the individual-level association is stronger when collective subjective inequality is elevated. Taken together, Studies 3 and 4 demonstrate an interaction between individual and collective subjective inequality, indicating that high levels of perceived inequality at the collective level intensify the negative relationship between individual subjective inequality and political trust.In light of the findings from these four studies, this thesis advances several theoretical and conceptual contributions to the study of inequality and political trust. It demonstrates that subjective inequality constitutes a psychologically meaningful construct that brings together individuals’ perceptions of inequality and their moral evaluation of its (un)fairness. Moreover, the results show that subjective inequality undermines political trust through perceptions of an impaired social fabric—either through a sense of normative incoherence (anomie) or through the belief that one is unjustly disadvantaged compared to others (relative deprivation). The findings also underline the importance of analytically distinguishing between individual and collective levels of subjective inequality, which exert distinct yet complementary influences on political trust.Beyond these conceptual insights, the thesis highlights several practical and societal implications. It suggests that mitigating the detrimental effects of subjective inequality requires more than reducing objective disparities: redistributive policies must be transparent and morally justified, since procedural fairness is a key determinant of institutional commitment. Furthermore, the thesis identifies policy domains in which redistribution may be especially effective in strengthening institutional trust—particularly initiatives that expand individual capacities, create real opportunities for upward mobility, address poverty, and foster education and civic culture.

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