par Diekmann, Anya
Editeur scientifique Richards, Greg;Kay Smith, Melanie
Référence Handbook for Cultural Tourism, Routledge, page (346-354)
Publication Publié, 2012
Partie d'ouvrage collectif
Résumé : In the last two decades, urban tourism shifted from a heritage-focused supply to a broader offer (Maitland and Newman 2009). While ‘traditional’ urban tourism was concentrated mainly in and around historic city centres, the diversification of urban tourism has integrated new quarters and areas previously ignored by visitors. As Hoffman explains ‘the differentiation of formerly standardized markets has valorized multiculturalism and diversity, giving rise to new forms of cultural capital and creating interest in formerly unattractive places’ (Hoffman 2003b: 92). The underlying idea of such policies was to develop disadvantaged areas and regenerate them through the creation of tourism activities (Zukin 1998), but also to demonstrate how inclusive and cosmopolitan a city can be (Shaw 2007). These developments concerned mainly former industrial areas and districts with a high rate of migrants shaping a city of quarters (Roodhouse 2006) allowing tourists to choose à la carte according to their interests. Myriad tourism assets could thus be created from art studios over fashion districts to ethnic markets and, in extreme cases, to slum tourism. So-called ‘ethnic quarters’ became in many cities an interesting asset for tourism authorities (Rath 2007). Chinese quarters, Little Italys or Little Indias were promoted as a means of encountering the exotic. Indeed, ethnic quarters represent enclaves with an extensive variety of linguistic, religious, family and friendship entities. On the one hand they play the role of important storehouses of heritage that are often in the process of disappearing in developing ‘home’ countries abroad (Smith and Maryann 2001). On the other hand they embody a melting pot of many different cultures, composed of locals, immigrants, residents and users (Chang 1999). Many ethnic quarters grew indeed through the settlement of migrant workers in impoverished areas with little or no urban planning. However, as soon as the community members could afford to settle in a wealthier area they left the district. What remained were the shops and specialised service providers offering specific cultural goods and providing the opportunity of social exchange and contacts with other community members. Very important in that context is the food and beverages supply for being often emphasised by the tourism promotion as clusters of exotic restaurants (Conforti 1996; Trevor and Monder 2003; Selby 2004). These commercial ethnic belts (McLaughlin and Jesilow, 1998) attract community members, allowing them to distinguish themselves from the host country for a limited time and reafirming their identities (Diekmann and Maulet 2009). However, the movement of people out of the district exacerbates the already problematic situation (dilapidated housing, high unemployment and high rates of crime) of the area. In fact, new migrants from other countries settle in the dilapidated area following the same path as their predecessors and generating a multicultural melting pot. Moreover, as highlighted by Hoffman, these areas are frequently characterised by a distinct “ghetto’ economy, social/spatial isolation and exclusion, negatively perceived culture, political patronage and social policies (Hoffman 2003b: 105). While Hoffman distinguishes this state as being a Fordist concept, it is indeed in many countries valid as long as regeneration has not been considered for the district under scrutiny. One regeneration process is tourism development. Yet, the type of development depends to a large extent on the geographical situation and connections to the main tourism clusters and urban spaces. The chapter examines the concept of ethnic tourism by highlighting the ambivalence in promoting specific cultural communities as exotic to the ‘tourist community’, and in that ‘excluding’ a whole group of (potential) consumers, that often constitute the majority of visitors. Findings from a recent survey led in the sub-Saharan African precinct Matonge in Brussels will highlight the signi?cance of community visitors. Moreover, the chapter will look into the promotional policies and how the tourism mediation shapes the communities and stakeholders in the development process, focusing on several examples.

Documents en relation